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J.D. Long GarcíaSeptember 10, 2024
Republican presidential nominee and former U.S. President Donald Trump speaks during a visit to Alro Steel manufacturing plant in Potterville, Mich., Aug. 29, 2024. (OSV News photo/Brian Snyder, Reuters)

For decades, the Republican Party was nearly synonymous with the pro-life movement. The party’s stance against abortion became a litmus test, alienating some but attracting others. But this year, things might be changing.

David French, a noted conservative opinion columnist at The New York Times, announced he would support Kamala Harris. Liz Cheney, the former Republican representative for Wyoming, is also supporting Ms. Harris. (Both Mr. French and Ms. Cheney are pro-life, though they have explained their opposition to Mr. Trump not in pro-life terms but as an effort to save conservatism.)

Are these signs of waning pro-life support for Donald J. Trump? Now that Roe v. Wade has been overturned, Mr. Trump’s stance is that the legality of abortion should be left to the states. Nevertheless, he has recently described Florida’s six-week ban as “too harsh” because it is “too little time.”

It is a stark contrast to the Catholic Church’s opposition to direct abortion in every instance. The church maintains that human life begins at the moment of conception, which is why the Catholic Church also opposes in vitro fertilization, a medical procedure that creates multiple embryos in hopes of achieving pregnancy.

In years past, the Republican Party has taken a stand against I.V.F. and has supported legislation that would restrict abortion on a national level. But not anymore. If elected president, Mr. Trump has vowed to veto any national restriction on abortion and has proposed mandated insurance coverage of I.V.F., which is a costly procedure.

Given Mr. Trump’s shift, will he lose support from pro-life advocates? Based on my reporting and informal conversations with grassroots leaders, I don’t think so. I believe most voters who prioritize restricting abortion will still support Mr. Trump. This is why:

The Dobbs decision: The 1973 Supreme Court decision on Roe v. Wade effectively legalized abortion across the United States. In the following decades, pro-life advocates assembled a network that rallied against it, including at the annual March for Life in Washington. In 2018, Mr. Trump became the first sitting president to attend the march.

Supporters and opponents alike credit Mr. Trump for ending Roe. He appointed three of the justices who overturned the decision in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization. Reversing Roe had been central to the pro-life movement in the United States for nearly 50 years, and it happened because of Mr. Trump.

Pro-life advocates will never forget that, and neither will the Harris campaign. Ms. Harris recently released misleading TV ads that paint Mr. Trump as pro-life. (The ads falsely claim Mr. Trump will pass a national abortion and plans to restrict birth control.)

The Democratic position: Peter Wehner at The Atlantic, noting that Mr. Trump has abandoned the pro-life plank of his party, argues that evangelical Christians can no longer justify their support of Mr. Trump. But if pro-life voters are to abandon Mr. Trump for a more pro-life candidate, who is it?

The Democratic Platform, which incorrectly states Mr. Trump is against I.V.F. and for a national abortion ban, describes the party’s position on abortion as a stark contrast with that of Mr. Trump. According to the platform, “Democrats are fighting back to restore reproductive freedom for every woman in every state.” And also, “With a Democratic Congress, we will pass national legislation to make Roe the law of the land again.”

Pro-life advocates believe that abortion ends an innocent human life. The Democratic Party describes abortion as “reproductive freedom.” Pro-life advocates worked tirelessly for nearly 50 years to overturn Roe, and Democrats are vowing to bring it back. For most pro-life voters, my sources tell me, Mr. Trump remains the lesser of two evils when it comes to abortion.

No turning back: Some of the advocates I have spoken with this year distinguished “perfect” and “possible” legislation.

“It’s not that we want to allow or make exceptions, but we’ve always had this goal of wanting to protect as many babies as possible, as soon as possible,” Carol Tobias, the president of National Right to Life, told me. In other words, it doesn’t make sense to back legislation that will fail because, in effect, it results in no restrictions.

Restoring Roe, pro-life advocates could argue, would end these conversations. Mr. Trump, for the moment, has yet to cross that red line and endorse a national right to abortion and a restoration of Roe. That’s why I believe that the majority of pro-life voters will still support him.

Pro-life advocates, like Lila Rose, are justifiably calling the former president out. Mr. Trump is not pro-life, and as Ms. Rose told Politico, his new approach risks “alienating his base.” The differences between the Republican and Democratic platforms on abortion may not be as pronounced as they used to be, but for most pro-life voters, those differences seem to be enough.

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